The leak from VChK-OGPU about Dmitry Kozak's resignation is exactly one of those. In form it is an exposé: look, they tell us, Kozak was never "anti-war," he was simply an energetic man left without a portfolio, who took offense and went off to sit at his dacha. In essence, though, it is a quiet rehabilitation. A figure who spent decades building the machinery for swallowing Ukraine is carefully reshaped into an almost sympathetic bureaucrat whom the war "did not interest."
And here it is worth stopping. Because the source deliberately glues together two things that must be pulled apart. Kozak's personal position is one thing. The objective function of his work is quite another. And the second is far more interesting than the first.
What "negotiations" meant in Kozak's hands
We are offered the image of a "Kremlin negotiator" - a man who for years "led the negotiation process with recalcitrant Ukraine" and, until the very end, kept convincing Putin that "the negotiating resource was not yet exhausted." It sounds almost noble. A dove of peace among the hawks of war.
Except that the negotiations conducted by the Kozak-Medvedchuk tandem were not an alternative to occupation. They were the occupation - simply by another method. Cheaper, more durable, and far more dangerous than columns of tanks near Hostomel.
The logic here is perfectly clear. Seizing territory by force is expensive, and afterward it breeds a resistance you cannot just switch off. But you can occupy a territory differently: grow inside the country a comprador layer that will itself, voluntarily, to the applause of the majority of voters, lead the state back into the concentration camp called "Russia." Lead it under the banner of "peace," "neutrality," "normal relations with a neighbor," and "an end to fratricide." This is the classic comprador scheme - subjugation not through coercion, but through the corrupting of the elites by graft. Corruption is always stronger than the bayonet, because the bayonet has to be held every single day, while corruption breaks the very backbone of the state system.
Medvedchuk was the face and the wallet of this construction, Kozak its engineer on the Kremlin's side. The Minsk format, "special status," the endless haggling over concessions wrapped in the language of goodwill - none of this was an attempt at pacification. It was a technology of slow absorption, in which every "compromise" nudged Kyiv a centimeter closer to Moscow's orbit.
On the numbers - without inflation
At its peaks in 2021, OPZZh took around a quarter of the vote, and in some polls it came out first. Shariy's party hovered at the electoral threshold. This construction did not win a majority of seats and most likely never would have. But the essence of soft capture is not in a majority.
The essence lies in a blocking, coalition-forming bloc - plus Medvedchuk's media machine with its channels before the sanctions, plus money, plus administrative resources in the Southeast, plus coordination from a single center. That would have been more than enough, over one or two electoral cycles, to make any pro-Western government impossible without bargaining with the pro-Russian bloc. Not to "seize the country," but to make it governable and controllable.
That is what stood behind the word "negotiations." Not peace. Deferred absorption.
The knot the source steers around
And now - the main thing the leak pointedly stays silent about.
By the start of 2022 the soft track was already crumbling. And it was crumbling not on its own - Kyiv was breaking it, by the hands of the Ukrainian authorities.
February 2021 - Zelensky shuts down, through sanctions, the television channels that broadcast Medvedchuk's propaganda. May 2021 - Medvedchuk himself is charged with high treason and placed under house arrest. In other words, the Ukrainian state began dismantling the pro-Russian infrastructure a year before the full-scale invasion.
And here a conclusion suggests itself that overturns the whole benevolent picture drawn by the source. It looks very much as if the "war party" inside Moscow prevailed precisely because the soft instrument had failed. For four months Kozak begged to "press a little harder, the resource isn't exhausted" - but there was simply nowhere left to press. The ground on which he intended to press had been knocked out from under him in Kyiv. The negotiating resource was being zeroed out not in the abstract, but in specific offices and courtrooms. And when the fine instrument stopped working, the crude one was sent in.
Kozak, it seems, understood this better than most. And he "wanted nothing to do with the war" not because he loved Ukraine, but because as a professional he could see: this is not how you take this country. Tanks, after all, are not strength. Tanks are an admission that the Kremlin has no arguments left to make Ukraine its colony once more.
Putin saved Ukraine by attacking
From this the final formula grows, and it works - on one condition. It must not be taken literally.
Putin saved no one and had no intention of saving anyone. He committed a strategic mistake of historic scale: he traded thin hegemony through consent for crude domination through violence, and lost exactly where the soft track, carried through to the end, might still have finished the job. He got the result opposite to his intent, on every count at once.
The invasion made any pro-Russian politics in Ukraine toxic. OPZZh was banned. Medvedchuk went from "gray cardinal" to bargaining chip and left for Moscow in an exchange for Ukrainian servicemen. The nation they had spent years trying to split along the East-West line fused together for good. And the country itself turned toward the West irreversibly - in a way that no reforms and no EU could have turned it over decades.
Everything that Kozak and Medvedchuk had built, Putin tore down within a few days of the invasion. With his own hands. Kozak did not want this - and in that sense the source is not even lying. It simply leaves out the main thing: Kozak was against it not because he pitied Ukraine, but because he was burying his own project for its recolonization.
And this is the very distinction the leak tries to hide. The official's personal weariness is shown to us in close-up. But what this official spent all the years before that weariness doing is left off-screen. Although that is exactly where, off-screen, the whole point lies.
