In Russian media, a young “Italian count” with impeccable Russian regularly appears, praising Russia’s traditional values while condemning the rotting West. Over two years, Pietro Stramezzi has become the face of an entire campaign — he helps Europeans relocate to Russia, received official status as “president of the Friends of Russia association,” and regularly appears on federal TV channels.
But a closer look at his biography reveals curious details: the “count” turns out to be self-proclaimed, and the “Italian” carries a Russian patronymic and has spoken Russian since childhood. Moreover, Italian media describe him as a marginal activist from far-right circles, not as an independent expert.
How exactly does the modern propaganda factory work, and why did the Kremlin need this character?
The Double Life of a “Count”
The full name of our investigation’s protagonist is Pietro “Veniamin Andreevich” Stramezzi. Here’s the first red flag: a Russian patronymic in an Italian passport is uncommon. Stramezzi explains it simply: his mother is Russian, his father an Italian anti-vax doctor. He has dual citizenship and, in his words, “culturally considers himself both Italian and Russian.”
At 22, Stramezzi has already become a media star in Russia. A “count” with “blue blood” and “inevitable nostalgia for tsarism,” as the Italian press describes him. His specialty — criticizing “degenerate LGBT policies” and praising Russia as the last bastion of traditional values.
But here’s the puzzle: all major Italian publications — La Repubblica, Domani — unanimously call him “sedicente conte,” meaning “self-proclaimed count.” No documentary confirmation of his aristocratic title can be found in open sources.
Perfect Legend for Propaganda
Stramezzi’s biography reads like it was copied from a propaganda checklist. Young, handsome, with aristocratic ambitions. An Orthodox Christian who “became disappointed” in Catholicism and “found himself” in Orthodoxy. A European who considers Europe rotten.
“I don’t identify as a citizen of the Italian Republic because I think Italy is a puppet country in the hands of the United States,” he declares in interviews.
Here’s his signature quote, reproduced by all Russian and Italian media: “Away from transgenders and overly emancipated women. Here there is order and security.”
Regarding the war in Ukraine, Stramezzi completely reproduces Kremlin narratives: “Russia didn’t invade Ukraine. Ukraine bombed the People’s Republics of Donetsk and Luhansk… Russia was forced to intervene to protect their populations.”
Moreover, when asked if he’s ready to fight for Russia, he answers without hesitation: “Certainly, I consider it every citizen’s duty.”
Making a Star
The story of Stramezzi’s rise to media heights can be reconstructed quite clearly. In 2023, he moves in COVID-skeptic circles in Milan, participates in “alternative” conferences, writes columns in marginal publications.
The turning point — March 2024. Stramezzi participates in RT programs alongside American, French, and German propaganda bloggers — Alexandra Jost, Gabriel Duvoisin, Lisa Graf. These are no longer random appearances but a coordinated international campaign.
By summer 2024, Stramezzi moves to Moscow “to fulfill a mission: help Italians obtain residence permits in Russia.” And in July 2025, he reaches the peak of official recognition — he’s invited to the Artek children’s center as “president of the International Cultural Association ‘Friends of Russia.’”
Russian state media cover this visit as an important cultural event. Stramezzi talks with children about “friendship between peoples” and the importance of “traditional values.”
The Big Game: “Anti-Woke Visa”
Behind romantic speeches about Orthodoxy and traditions lies a concrete political task. Stramezzi became the face of a campaign promoting the “shared values visa” (colloquially — “anti-woke visa”) — simplified residence permits for Western “conservatives.”
The mechanism is simple: foreigners who declare adherence to “Russian spiritual and moral traditions” and disagreement with their countries’ policies can obtain a three-year visa without language and history exams. They need only “express disagreement with destructive neoliberal ideas.”
According to Italian publication Domani, by July 2025, “82 Italians had already applied for the anti-woke visa.” Stramezzi appears as the main intermediary and consultant for this program.
Puppeteers and Finances
Who’s behind this whole story? The campaign is led by Maria Butina — former US prisoner for espionage, now Duma deputy. She founded the Welcome to Russia organization with European bloggers and entrepreneurs.
In November 2024, RT launched the Family-Russia program and multilingual Gateway to Russia portal jointly with Butina. The tours include well-known figures from pro-Russian propaganda on social media from different countries.
The financial scheme becomes clearer too. According to an Independent Stories investigation, after sanctions against RT, the channel changed strategy: instead of direct content production, it began financing blogs and social media that appear independent.
Contradictions and Inconsistencies
Upon closer examination, Stramezzi’s story reveals many inconsistencies.
Language. For someone who allegedly “taught himself Russian,” Stramezzi speaks suspiciously cleanly. Without characteristic foreigner errors in cases and with correct intonations. His Russian is at native speaker level.
Title. No serious Italian publication confirms his count title. All use the formulation “sedicente conte” — a legal term meaning impostor.
Spontaneity. Despite all talk of “personal choice” and “disappointment in the West,” Stramezzi’s career trajectory looks too smooth. From marginal activist to official “association president” in eighteen months — such rises are rare in politics.
Audience. In Italy, Stramezzi remains a marginal figure from ultra-right circles. But in Russia, he’s presented as a “representative of Italian public opinion.”
Technology of Manufacturing “Witnesses”
Stramezzi’s story shows how the modern propaganda machine works. This isn’t crude Soviet-type fakery but a sophisticated influence operation.
Stage 1. Find a real person with suitable biography — preferably young, media-friendly, with marginal views.
Stage 2. Create a “legend” — add attractive details (aristocratic origin, religiosity, disappointment in the West).
Stage 3. Promote through their own media ecosystem — first niche channels, then federal media.
Stage 4. Integrate into official structures — give status, organize visits, create “associations.”
Stage 5. Use for specific tasks — in Stramezzi’s case, promoting the “anti-woke visa” and recruiting loyal migrants.
Why This Is Needed
Operation “Stramezzi” has several goals, all targeting different audiences.
For Russian viewers — proof of the government’s correct course. “Look, even young European aristocrats choose us!” This removes cognitive dissonance and strengthens confidence in their righteousness.
For Western audiences — a signal that Russia can be an attractive alternative. Especially for conservative-minded people dissatisfied with the liberal agenda.
For the international arena — a “soft power” tool. Russia positions itself as defender of traditional values against the “decadent” West.
Scale of the Operation
Stramezzi isn’t unique. Similar RT programs include bloggers from different countries: German Lisa Graf, American Alexandra Jost, French Gabriel Duvoisin. There are even whole families — Canadian Feenstras with eight children who “chose Russia for traditional Christian upbringing.”
Each has their role and audience, but the scheme is identical: real people with suitable views become faces of propaganda campaigns.
Effectiveness and Limitations
How effective is such a strategy? On one hand, official data claims “82 Italians have already applied for the anti-woke visa” — not many, but acceptable for a campaign launch.
On the other hand, the operation has serious limitations. It only works on already predisposed audiences — anti-vaxxers, COVID skeptics, ultra-conservatives. Such characters have little influence on mainstream public opinion.
Moreover, exposés in independent press undermine trust in such “witnesses.” When Italian media directly write about a “self-proclaimed count,” it seriously damages the project’s reputation.
What’s Next?
Stramezzi’s story is a window into the future of information warfare. We see how state propaganda adapts to the era of social media and globalization.
Instead of crude fakes — subtle manipulations with real people. Instead of direct lies — selective fact presentation. Instead of centralized propaganda — networks of “independent” bloggers and activists.
Such operations will multiply and improve. The next “Italian counts” will be more convincing, their biographies more flawless, coordination more invisible.
The only defense against such operations is critical thinking and fact-checking. When another “independent expert” with propaganda-perfect views appears in the news, it’s worth asking: who is he, where did he come from, and who benefits from his promotion?
In Pietro Stramezzi’s case, answers to these questions lead to a disappointing conclusion: we’re not dealing with an authentic “Italian voice” but a carefully constructed character for domestic consumption. Another product from the modern propaganda assembly line.
Sources: All facts in this investigation are based on open sources and can be independently verified. Main materials: La Repubblica, Editoriale Domani, Open (Italy); RT, Sputnik, Pravda Italy (Russia); official statements from Russian government institutions; public statements by Stramezzi himself on social media.
